MPANGO WA MATUMIZI BORA YA ARDHI (MMBA) LOLIONDO;

Mpango wa matumizi bora ya ardhi (Land Use Plan) ni mfumo madhubuti unaohusisha majadiliano kati ya wadau wote ili kulenga makubaliano, and maamuzi juu ya mpango endelevu wa ardhi katika maeneo ya vijijini lakini pia kuanzisha na kusimamia utekelezaji wake.
Mpango wa matumizi bora ya ardhi upo katika jamii yoyote hata pale ambapo neno hili halitumiki, mpango huu umeanza katika nchi zinazoendelea miaka ya 1980s (Amler et al 1999)[1].
Mpango huu hufuata kanuni zake ili uweze kutimiza lengo husika, kanuni hizi hazitofautiana sana kutoka Mpango wa matumizi bora ya ardhi hutoa fursa ya kuvuna mpango endelevu wa matumizi ya ardhi inayokubalika kulingana na matakwa ya kijamii na kimazingira husika na inaaminiwa na kupokelewa na jamii wakati wanafanya uchanganuo wa kijamii na kiuchumi (social and economic sense).
sehemu moja hadi nyingine,japo wakati mwingine kunakuwa na tofauti kulingana na aina ya mradi na malengo ya mradi.
Baadhi ya kanuni hizo ni (principles of land use plan) (ibid);
ü MMBA chanzo chake kikuu ni hali ya kawaida ya sehemu kwa kuangalia yote mbinu zitakazo tumika na lengo kuu (methods and content).
ü MMBA inaangalia zaidi mtazamo wa mila au desturi na hujengwa ndani ya uwelewa wa mazingira ya jadi.
ü MMBA huzingatia zaidi mbinu za jadi za utatuzi wa migogoro na matatizo mengine.
ü MMBA pia huangalia suala la Maendeleo vijijini kuwa ni mfumo unaoanza chini-juu (bottom – up) ambao hutoa fursa ya uwajibikaji.
ü MMBA ni mdahalo unaojenga na kuleta mazungumzo na makubaliano juu ya kipi kifanyike baada ya makubaliano na wadau wa Maendeleo.
ü MMBA ni mfumo unaopelekea kujengeka kwa uwezo wa washiriki kuweza kuweka mipango na kufanya utekelezaji.
ü MMBA unahitaji uwazi, na hivyo uhuru wa kupata taarifa.
ü Ushiriki wa wadau wote na pia kufuata jinsia ni masuala muhimu katika MMBA.
ü MMBA ni mfumo unaoruhusu muingiliano wa fani mbalimbali (interdisciplinary).
ü MMBA ni mfumo unaobadilika na kuruhusu mabadiliko (flexible and open).
ü MMBA ni utekelezaji.

MMBA nchini Tanzania imeanzishwa mnamo miaka ya 1990s na ikaanzishwa Tume ya Taifa ya Matumizi Bora ya ardhi (NLUPC) lengo lake kuu ni kuweka pamoja(harmonise) na kuunganisha (Co-ordinate) sera, sheria za matumizi ya ardhi pamoja na kukuza ulindaji na uendelezaji wa ardhi nzuri kwa lengo la kuhakikisha utumiaji endelevu wa ardhi ili kuleta uzalishaji wenye tija na kurahisisha maendeleo kwa uzalishaji wa baadaye. Tume ya Taifa ya Mipango ya Matumizi Bora ya Ardhi inafanyakazi nchi nzima ikishirikiana na wadau wote ardhi kwanzia ngazi ya Taifa hadi vijijini(www.nlupc.or.tz[2] ).
Tarafa ya Loliondo, ni sehemu ya Mkoa wa Arusha, Wilayani Ngorongoro kaskazini mwa Tanzania, ipo 2°15" S na 35°30"E, linakadiriwa kuwa na ukubwa eneo la 289,800 ha. Mgawanyo wa matumizi ya ardhi katika tarafa ya Loliondo ni kama ifuatavyo kwenye jedwali;

Land Use Category
Area (Ha)
Percentage

Agriculture
8078.0
2.8

Forest
8850.0
3.1

Range Land/Game Reserve Area
236,908.0
81.7

Settlement/Service Infrastructure
35,963.0
12.4
Chanzo: Agriculture department – Loliondo division 1990/91 in Mtorani. V.L (1997:4)
Tume ya Taifa ya Tanzania ya Matumizi Bora ya Ardhi (NLUPC) ya mwaka 1994 wanabainisha kuwa kuna aina nne ya matumizi ya ardhi katika tarafa ya Loliondo ambazo ni kilimo cha kujikimu, ufugaji usio na mipango (unplanned livestocking), ardhi ya hifadhi na makazi (Loliondo Land Use Plan, 1994[3]).
Pia Mtorani. V.L (1997:3) anaeleza kuwa mipango inawekwa au kupangwa na Tume ya Taifa ya Matumizi Bora ya Ardhi ili kutekeleza mpango wa matumizi bora ya ardhi ya loliondo lengo kuu ni kutatua na kuboresha hali ya chakula na kupunguza ukame ulioripotiwa kabla ya miaka ya 1990s.
Eneo la Tarafa ya Loliondo kwa ujumla limevuta hisia za wengi popote dunia mnamo mwishoni mwa mwaka 2009 pale palipozuka mgogoro kati ya Kampuni ya uwindaji ya OBC ikishirikiana na vikosi vya serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania zilipo vamia na kuchoma moto maboma ya jamii ya Kimasai wanaoishi karibu na eneo la Kitalu cha uwindaji. Lakini pia zoezi zima la kuchoma maboma na kuhamisha wamasai katika eneo hilo limegubikwa na utata wa ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu kama ubakaji, uchomaji wa maboma, watu kupigwa na watoto kuripotiwa kupotea kabisa. Baada ya suala zima kuwa katika hali isiyo ya kawaida, serikali ya Jamhuri kupitia Bunge ilituma kamati ya Maliasili na Mazingira chini ya mwenyekiti wake Job Ndugai Mbunge wa Kongwa (CCM) kuchukuwa maoni ya wananchi na wadau wengine juu ya suala zima, lakini mpaka sasa ripoti ya Ndugai bado haijulikani ilipo na maoni na mapendekezo ya wanaharakati wa haki za binadamu yamewekwa wapi.
Pia, mwishoni mwa mwezi Februari 26th 2010, Waziri wa Ardhi, Nyumba na Maendeleo ya Makazi Mh.John Chiligati na Mkuu wa Tume ya Taifa ya Mipango na matumizi bora ya Ardhi, walitembelea Tarafa ya Loliondo na kusema kuwa serikali imepata mwarobaini wa ufumbuzi wa migogoro ya ardhi wilayani Ngorongoro, ambapo sh milioni 156.7 zimetengwa kwa ajili ya kupima vijiji na kutoa hati miliki kwa vijiji na utaratibu huo kuanza machi 2010 hadi juni 2010 (Nipashe 25/02/2010 page 8[4]).
Sambamba na hayo, kabla kidonda hakijapona tarehe 31st Machi 2010 na 7th Aprili 2010 wanawake wa wilaya ya Ngorongoro hasa tarafa ya Loliondo zaidi ya akina mama 200 walikwenda katika ofisi ya chama tawala (CCM) yaliyopo Loliondo na kurudisha kadi zao kwa madai kuwa serikali chini ya CCM imeshindwa kuwaboreshea maisha na zaidi serikali inawaonea kwani 2009 walikuwa na mgogoro na OBC sasa tume imefika kugawa maeneo yao bila wao kujulishwa na maeneo yanatengwa kwajili ya wanyamapori bila wao kupata pakulishia mifugo yao. Maandamano hayo ya akina mama imepelekea wanaharakati wa haki za binadamu watatu kuwekwa rumande kwajili ya kuwa ndio waendesha maandamano ya wanawake hao.
Lakini pia Mkuu wa Wilaya hiyo Wawa Lali alisikika kwenye TV ya ITV akisema kuwa wanawake hao hawana madai ya msingi kwani tayari wilaya imeshapanga matumizi bora ya ardhi na suala kubwa ni kuwa mfumo dume wa mila ya Kimasai ya wanawake kutokuwa na sauti katika maamuzi.
Kutokana na hayo yote nimesukumwa kuandika kuhusu ushirikishwaji katika kupanga matumizi bora ya ardhi nchini Tanzania na sana sana Tarafa ya Loliondo.
Katika kupanga mpango wa matumizi bora ya ardhi popote pale duniani na Tanzania kwa ujumla kuna mambo au kanuni zinazotakiwa zifuatwe ili kutimiza lengo kuu la MMBA. Kanuni zipo nyingi ila nitazungumzia baadhi tu kwa kuangalia yanayotokea Loliondo Ngorongoro.
Kwanza, inaangalia zaidi mtazamo wa mila au desturi na hujengwa ndani ya uwelewa wa mazingira ya jadi. Hii ikiwa na maana kuwa MMBA inatokana na mtazamo wa mila na desturi ya watu waishio katika eneo husika (LUP considers cultural view points and builds up on local environmental knowledge).
Kwa Loliondo wenyeji ni wamasai wanachukuwa asilimia 90 ya wakazi wa tarafa ya Loliondo na wamekuwepo hapo kwa maisha yao yote na hivyo wana mbinu za jadi za matumizi bora ya ardhi. Swali linakuja je ni mtazamo wa desturi au mila gani inatumiwa na wafuasi wa MMBA huko Loliondo?
Pili, MMBA huzingatia zaidi mbinu za jadi za utatuzi wa migogoro na matatizo mengine. Maana yake ni kuwa ili MMBA ifanikiwe lazima izingatie mbinu na taratibu zinazotumiwa na wenyeji kutatua matatizo yao.
Kwa eneo la Loliondo linalokaliwa kwa sehemu kubwa na wamasai pia wanataratibu zao za utatuzi wa migogoro na hivyo MMBA ikishirikiana na wenyeji basi migogoro itaisha. Mh. John Chiligati Waziri wa Ardhi, Nyumba na Maendeleo ya Makazi alipotembelea tarafa ya Loliondo mwshinoni mwa Februari, 2010 alisema kuwa sasa serikali imepata mwarobaini wa matatizo ya Loliondo kwa kutekeleza MMBA lakini kabla hata mwezi haujaisha ambao ni Machi aliosema Waziri kuwa ndio ardhi itaanza kupimwa tayari maandamano yameanza na madai ni kuwa ardhi inapimwa bila kushirikisha wananchi.
Hapa tena swali linakuja ni mbinu zipi MMBA inatumia katika kufikisha ujumbe wao kwa wananchi? au ni nani yupo nyuma ya MMBA maana kama MMBA ni chombo kinachojitegemea (huru)basi bila shaka wenyeji wangeulizwa mbinu zao za utatuzi wa migogoro na ambazo pia zingeweza kusaidia kutatua mgogoro usioisha loliondo.
Tatu, MMBA pia huangalia suala la Maendeleo vijijini kuwa ni mfumo unaoanza chini-juu (bottom – up) ambao hutoa fursa ya uwajibikaji (self help and self responsibility). Hapa tena tunaona kuwa lengo kuu la MMBA ni kuanzia ngazi ya chini kwenda juu, kwa maana hiyo wenye neno zaidi ni wanyeji kwani ‘Maendeleo’ ni kwajili ya wao hivyo MMBA huangalia vipaumbele vya Maendeleo vya umma wa eneo husika. Kwa mtazamo wa kina Maendeleo Loliondo ni kwa ajili ya nani wenyeji waishio hapo, ‘serikali’ au makampuni ya Wawekezaji yenye uwezo wa kuchangia ‘pato’ la Taifa? Na nini hasa maana ya Maendeleo?
Nne, MMBA ni mdahalo unaojenga na kuleta mazungumzo na makubaliano juu ya kipi kifanyike baada ya makubaliano na wadau wa Maendeleo (LUP is a dialogue, creating a prerequisites for successful negotiation and co-operation among stakeholders). Kanuni hii ya MMBA inatoa fursa kwa wadau wote wa ardhi uhusika kuwa na mazungumzo na hatimaye kufikia hitimisho ambalo linatokana na makubaliano yan wote. Kwa tarafa ya Loliondo wadau wa Maendeleo ni wengi zipo asasi za kiraia,taasisi za serikali, kampuni mbalimbali za Wawekezaji na pia wenyeji ambao ndio wengi.
Swali lingine hapa linakuja kuwa mdahalo uliendeshwa wapi, lini, kati ya nani na nani na wapi makubaliano ya pamoja juu ya matumizi ya ardhi ya Loliondo?.
Tano, MMBA ni mfumo unaopelekea kujengeka kwa uwezo wa washiriki kuweza kuweka mipango na kufanya utekelezaji (LUP is a process leading to an improvement in the capacity of the participants to plan and take actions).
Kwa yanayo toke Loliondo sasa ndivyo sivyo kwani washiriki kisheria hawashirikishwi na kama wanashirikishwa ni sehemu ndogo sana, na hakuna wanachosaidiwa ili nao waweze kung’amua japo angalau kidogo kuhusu utaalamu huo.
Sita, MMBA unahitaji uwazi, na hivyo uhuru wa kupata taarifa (LUP requires transparency).
Sambamba na hayo yote hapo juu, MMBA inazingatia pia kanuni ya uwazi na uhuru wa upatikanaji wa taarifa. Taarifa ya MMBA katika tarafa ya Loliondo imejulikana rasmi na umma mwezi Februari 2010 pale Waziri alipotamka na kuandikwa katika vyombo vya habari kuwa sasa MMBA Loliondo, lakini ukiangalia katika marejeo (literatures) mbalimbali utagundua kuwa taarifa ilikuwepo na Tume ya Taifa ya Mipango Bora ya Matumizi Bora ya Ardhi inayo ardhi ya Loliondo na ipo mpaka katika kumbukumbu za kisayansi ya Geo toka miaka ya 1994 (Loliondo Area a typical Geo Information case 1994-2008 (angalia Mtorani, V.L, 1997:3).
Kwa mtazamo tu wa kawaida na wa mtu yeyote wa ngazi yoyote, utagunduwa kuwa uwazi upo wapi katika MMBA, kama taarifa zipo katika maandishi ni lini wahusika wamepanga matumizi hayo na ni wapi walikaa wakati wanapima ardhi ya wenyeji? Mbali na hilo wananchi wa eneo husika wana uhuru wa kupata taarifa juu ya ardhi yao lakini nani atatoa taarifa kama mambo ndo hayo yaani ardhi ilishapangiwa matumizi miaka ishirini iliyopita bila wenyeji kujua lakini inapofika utekelezaji ndio wananchi wanalaumiwa kwa kisingizio kuwa hawataki Maendeleo au kama anavyosema DC wa Ngorongoro Wawa Lali ni mila ‘potofu’.
Saba, Ushiriki wa wadau wote na pia kufuata jinsia ni masuala muhimu katika MMBA (the differentiation of stakeholders and the gender approach are principles in LUP). Ili MMBA iwe endelevu lazima izingatie aina mbalimbali za washiriki kwa jicho la jinsia. Maana kuu hapa ni kuwa utumiaji na utunzaji wa rasilimali ardhi unahusisha jinsia na sio jinsi hivyo wanawake wana mchango mkubwa katika matumizi bora ya ardhi na hivyo ushiriki wao ni wa maana sana.
Kwa tarafa ya Loliondo, pamoja na kwamba mipango ya matumizi bora ya ardhi yalikwisha fanywa zamani (miaka ishirini iliyopita) na haijulikani nani haswa ameshirikishwa swala la jinsia halijaacha kutokea. Mwanzoni mwa Aprili 2010, wanawake kutoka Loliondo waliandamana hadi ofisi za CCM huko Loliondo kwa madai kuwa wanyanyaswa na serikali iliyo madarakani ya CCM na hivyo hwapo tayari kuendelea kushuhudia wakinyanyaswa na CCM, madai yao makubwa ni kutoshirikishwa kama wanawake na kama jamii katika maamuzi ya matumizi ya ardhi yao.
Kutokana na baadhi ya Kanuni hizi saba za MMBA nilizo zianisha hapo juu, tunajifunza kuwa maswali mengi yaliyojitokeza ndiyo yanayotawala mgogoro wa Loliondo na bila kuyajibu yote kwa wananchi basi mwarobaini wa matatizo ya Loliondo bado haujapatikana bali wananchi wanakumbushwa tu yaliyowasibu miaka ya 1950s walipopokwanywa ardhi yao yenye rutuba na waingereza na hivyo kuendelea kuonekana wazururaji katika ardhi ya mababu zao.
Naomba nisieleweke kuwa napinga MMBA la hasha, nachokataa hapa ni kutokuwepo kwa ushirikishwaji wa wananchi katika masuala ya msingi hasa ardhi na mbali zaidi watu ambao wameshajeruhiwa na wanauguza majeraha. (Kuna usemi usemao kuwa ‘aliyeumwa na nyoka hata akiguswa na kijiti lazima aruke akidhani ni nyoka’).
Kutokana na matukio yanayotokea Loliondo, mengi yanatokana na sheria zisizorafiki na wafugaji wa eneo lile na maeneo mengine yanayokaliwa na wazalishaji wadogowadogo na pia wimbi la Wawekezaji wanaotafuta makazi katika eneo la Loliondo kwa shughuli zao za kibiashara bila hata kushirikisha wenyeji wa pale.
Nini kifanyike/ Mapendekezo
Eneo la Loliondo pamoja na kuwa linakaliwa kwa sehemu kubwa na jamii ya wafugaji ni eneo lilo katika hifadhi ya wanyapori, kitalu cha uwindaji cha OBC na utalii wa picha (Thompson Safari Limited). Hivyo, katika mapendekezo au kusema nini kifanyike ni lazima mtu awe na muono mbadala.
Kwa upande wangu mimi napendekeza yafuatayo angalau yazingatiwe pale ambapo watunga sera, sheria, serikali na wadau wengine wenye maslahi katika ardhi au rasilimali zingine zinazopatikana Loliondo wawe na uwelewa na kuyatekeleza ili kutatua migogoro.
v Ushiriki wa wananchi; katika kulitatua tatizo la Loliondo au lingine lenye mtazamo sawa na huo ni lazima serikali na wadau wengine wawashirikishe wananchi katika kupanga matumizi ya rasilimali zinazopatikana katika maeneo yao na sio kuwaona wananchi kama mzigo na wasio na uwelewa wa mambo kwani kutokuwajali wananchi (wazalishaji wadowadogo) ndiyo hupelekea serikali kushindwa kutekeleza mipango yake.
v Uwezeshwaji; wananchi wawezeshwe katika sehemu mbalimbali kama vile kiuchumi, kielimu, kisaikolojia, na kijamii pale ambapo kuna mradi au hata pasipo na mradi.
v Mbinu za jadi au kimila zinazotumika katika kutatua migogoro zitiliwe mkazo na zishirikishwe na za kiserikali ili kufikia muafaka kamili na kuachana na tabia ya baadhi ya viongozi wa serikali kuona kuwa mbinu za kimila zimepitwa na wakati.
v MMBA isifanywe kwa shinikizo na kwa muda mfupi kwa lengo la siasa za muda au kwa manufaa ya Wawekezaji bali liwe swala la muendelezo ambao ni huru na linajitegemea ili kuruhusu mawazo ya wenyeji kuwekwa katika utekelezaji.(LUP should be flexible).
v Pili isiwe pia kwasababu ya shinikizo la baadhi ya Wawekezaji kama OBC wenye kitalu pale Loliondo au Kampuni ya Utalii wa Picha ya Thompson Safari. Kwani Wawekezaji hao kwa kujua kuwa kuna uwelewa mdogo wa sheria miongoni mwa jamii zinazoishii katika eneo la Loliondo.
Hitimisho
Kwa ujumla ardhi ya Loliondo kama ardhi zingine chini ya utumiaji wa wafugaji na ambazo zimekuwa zikibadilishwa milki aidha na Rais kwa mamlaka aliyonayokisheria au mawaziri kwa mamlaka walizopewa na sheria hizohizo zisizorafiki na wafugaji inaweza kwenda mchana kweupe kwa shinikizo la Wawekezaji wenye maslahi pale na pia kwasababu ya viongozi wetu wa kiserikali au wa kisiasa wenye maslahi pia pale. Lakini zaidi ya yote zoezi linaloendelea lisilowashirikisha wananchi linaweza kulainisha ukwapuwaji wa ardhi hiyo na mwishoe kwa miaka kadhaa zijazo wananchi wa Tarafa yote ya Loliondo watahamishwa kwasababu si wakazi wa eneo hilo kama ilivyo tokea kwingineko Tanzania au hata hapo Loliondo mwaka 2009.
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4] Gazeti la Nipashe la Tarehe 25/02/2010

DON’T TAKE OUR PICTURE (usitupige picha)

By VALENTIN

The above words were said by one of the maasai moran in 2009, it was the blue Sunday when a group of ten Malambo ward leaders rent out two hard top Tdi cars from Malambo to Oloirobi Ward (in NCA), the reason for this was 5 cows and three donkeys from Barbaig tribe(known by maasai as Mang’ati) were stolen by maasai suspected to be the resident of Malambo ward. The allegation was solved in the meeting previously held at Olbalbal ward where the accused five morans were fined 5 cows each. The Mang’ati were given 9 cows by Oloirobi residents with the agreement that, people from Oloirobi to continue searching the cattle robbers and punish them accordingly including fines and strokes.

The Oloirobi people caught the thieves, the question remained was where these thieves came from? The question was very difficult since other were arguing that they belong to Malambo ward and others they belong to Olbalbal ward. This question remained un-answered till one Korinka(the current moran age set) laigwanani announced that the thieves belong to both wards and all are his people according to his political boundary.

Oloirobi residents didn’t like Olbalbal people to be associated to this case with argument that they have been in unstable state with them; therefore they will be able to settle down the case with Malambo residents.

The Mang’ati people took 9 cows but Oloirobi residents wanted 74 cows as compensation for their 9 cows taken by Mang’ati tribe. The earlier meeting held at Olbalbal agreed to pay 19 cows to the people of Oloirobi, Some of Oloirobi leaders saw that agreement as unfair and therefore 74 cows are fair to them. The Oloirobi traditional leaders under the control of their Councilor invaded the two families of the accused morans and select 16 best cows from every family but on the way towards to the third family, they were stopped by one laigwanani from the area who prohibited them taking other cows. The 32 cows already gathered were taken to Oloirobi under the escort of Mgambo from Oloirobi before they receive an order from the DC ordering them to stopping the process and wait traditional process to finish the issue.

By that time I was doing my B.A (UDSM) College dissertation titled ‘Impacts of Water Use Conflict on Peoples’ livelihoods in Tanzania. A case of Ngorongoro District at Malambo Ward’. I got a golden chance to be in a group of leaders from Malambo ward but unlike a leader in a group, my task was to cover parts that will be suitable/relevant to my Thesis but also as upcoming learner growing with reading culture/written culture, my appetite was to see how the dialogue will be conducted without making reference to any written document and reaching undocumented and unsigned paper conclusion. Profoundly, I succeeded in everything I wanted for my thesis and lifelong learning of our tradition.

As a researcher, I understood that a single ‘picture’ express more than thousand words, therefore to support my analysis and findings therefore I have to attach some relevant photos. As a dialogue become very burning I picked out my pocket Camera and wanted to have some photos not only for class examination (Thesis) but for my remembrance/kumbukumbu during open debates with traditional leaders. When I requested them to allow me to have some photos, I was asked a number of questions including if I paid fees to the NCA (most tourist pay fees for photos)since the meeting is conducted in NCA, the other question was If am an investigator(mchunguzi), I tried to explain my concern to them but since I came with the other group which was likely to win the dialogue and later won, I was prohibited to take pictures although I told them am a student from UDSM doing part of studies outside classes yet I was blocked.

Failed to take pictures, I had to get into out Land Rover which looks like a tourist car and picked out my Camera very gently, putting off flash and covering it with my handkerchief and making a small hole that only enough to the lens size and take the best picture showing the whole meeting.

The meeting ended well by giving back 17 cows to Malambo ward and Oloirobi took 15 cows which were agreed without any complain from any of the two sides.

NB; At the end I concluded that despite the fact that I was prohibited from taking photos I still love the meeting recommendations and hate some of educated maasai in the meeting from ngorongoro who at the end I knew they were working with Pastoral Council (a body ‘a toothless dog’ which represent pastoral maasai in NCA).

Thanks for reading

LINI BAADHI YA MAGAZETI YA TANZANIA YATASEMA UKWELI?

LINI BAADHI YA MAGEZETI YA TANZANIA YATASEMA UKWELI?

BY VALENTIN

Katika gazeti la Mtanzania, la Agosti 25,2010 siku ya Jumatano lilitoa habari juu ya Msitu wa Loliondo 2. Kichwa cha habari Serikali yabariki msitu “Uteketetezwe”.

Katika habri hiyo tunaambiwa (umma/public) kuwa wananchi waanza kukata mkaa, lakini cha kushangaza hakuna hata taarifa ya ukataji wa miti na wananchi kwajili ya kuchoma mkaa na hata hiyo mada ya mkaa kama ilivyo tajwa kwenye kichwa cha habari cha gazeti haipo.

Kwa habari ambayo tunajua kuwa ikiwekwa kwenye gazeti basi umma wa Watanzania na wasiowatnzania ndani na nje ya nchi wanaweza kusoma na kuelewa kinachoendelea upande mwingine wa dunia. Ukisoma gazeti hilo ambalo limekuwa likiandika taarifa mbalimbali juu ya mambo yanayoendelea wilayani Ngorongoro utajiuliza swali rahisi kuwa Je ni wananchi gani wameshaanza kukata mkaa?halafu jamii inayokaa huko wanatumia jiko za aina gani?lakini ni mwezi tu umepita(25 Julai, 2010)Mkurugenzi wa Misitu Dr Kilahama alitangaza Msitu wa Loliondo 2 kuwa chini ya Kijiji na msitu huo umekuwa pale toka enzi za Ukoloni chini ya utunzji wa wenyeji wanaoishi pale hata kama hawajawahi kukabidhi rasmi na msitu ule umeendelea kutunzwa kwasababu weneyeji ni wahifadhi kwa asili yao.

Pia habari kwa kukoleza zaidi kuwa Uhai wa Loliondo sasa shakani. Ukisoma pia taarifa hiyo hakuna hata viashiria kuwa msitu huo sasa upo shakani ukizingatia kuwa hata kabla serikali kufanya mpango wa kuifanya Loliondo 2 kuwa msitu wa taifa tayari wananchi wanatunza bila hata kusuburi amri toka mamalaka yeyote.

Lakini cha kushangaza pia ni pale umma tunapoambia kuwa Mpango wa Serikali kukabidhi msitu huo kwa Wananchi umepokewa kwa pingamizi na hisia tofauti. Ila umma hatuambiwi kuwa ni pingamizi zipi na toka kwa nani au hisia zipi na zinatoka kwa nani zilizopokelewa.

Uwamuzi wa Msitu wa Loliondo 2 kuwa chini ya Kijiji umefikiwa na Kutangazwa na Mkurugenzi wa Misitu Dr Kilahama baada ya Filamu ya ‘Our Beloved Forest’ iliyotolewa na Maajabu Film chini ya Jumuiko la Maliasili Tanzania na kuoneshwa.

Wananchi katika Filamu hiyo wanaonyesha masikitiko yao jinsi walivyokuwa wanageuziwa kesi na halmashauri ya Wilaya ya Ngorongoro pale wanapowakamata wahalifu wanaokati miti ndani msitu. Uongozi wa halmashauri inawambia weneyeji kuwa hawana uwezo wa kuhoji uhalifu ndani ya msitu huo.

Uwamuzi wa Dr Kilahama ni sahihi ila taarifa zinazosambazwa ili kuangalia kama uwamuzi huo utatenguliwa si nzuri kwani wananchi wanozunguka misitu hiyo wanaujuzi zaidi wa namna ya kutunza Misitu ya asili kwani wamezaliwa na kukuwa katika mila na desturi zilizorafiki na misitu na wanathamini misitu kama wanavyo thamini maisha yao.

KUANZISHWA KWA RANCHI, NA KUTENGWA KWA MAENEO MAALUM KWA AJILI YA MALISHO YA MIFUGO NA KUNENEPESHA NA HATMA YA WAFUGAJI ASILIA TANZANIA

KUANZISHWA KWA RANCHI, NA KUTENGWA KWA MAENEO MAALUM KWA AJILI YA MALISHO YA MIFUGO NA KUNENEPESHA NA HATMA YA WAFUGAJI ASILIA TANZANIA.(By Valentin Ngorisa Olyang iri.......a paper presented to TBC One Radio)

Utangulizi

Kwa muda wa miongo miwili sasa kumekuwa na majadiliano na utungaji wa sheria na sera mbalimbali zikiwemo za Ardhi, wanyamapori, madini n.k lengo kuu ni kutatua migogoro isiyoisha na kuboresha maisha ya wananchi na taifa kwa ujumla, lakini pia uanzishwaji wa Hifadhi za Taifa, uchimbaji wa madini na maeneo mengine kwa ajili wawekezeji imepelekea wazalishaji wadowadogo ambao kwa sehemu kubwa ni wazawa kudhulumiwa ardhi zao na rasilimali zao za asili hivyo kupelekea kujiona kama watumwa na wakimbizi ndani ya nchi yao.

Moja ya namna ya serikali kutatua migogoro ya ardhi baina ya watumiaji ni kuanzishwa kwa nyanda za malisho na kufufua ranchi zilizokuwa za taifa kwa kuipa kipaumbele ufugaji wa kisasa zaidi ya ule wa asili. Kuna miswada miwili inayotegemewa kuwasilishwa katika kipindi kijacho cha bunge cha mwezi wa tano 2010.[i]

Ufugaji asili (Pastoralist) ni kitendo cha kutunza, kutumia na kumiliki mifugo kwa lengo la kujipatia mahitaji ya msingi kwa kuwafuga wanyama wa nyumbani kama ng’ombe, mbuzi, kondoo, nguruwe, punda, ngamia nk.

Kuna sababu kuu mbili zinazotofautisha aina za ufugaji

A. Kiwango cha uhamisho unaotumika (the degree of mobility practiced)

B. Kiasi cha ukaribu na wakulima (the degree of interaction with crop cultivators).

Ø Ufugaji wa kuhamahama-hawa wanahama na familia zao kwa lengo la kufuata malisho ya mifugo yao kwa muda (migrate opportunistically), pia hakuna makazi ya kudumu.

Ø Ufugaji wa transhumant- uhamaji unakikomo kwa sehemu moja husika kwa kipindi Fulani cha mwaka na kuhamisha mifugo unachukuwa tu sehemu Fulani ya familia.

Ø Ufugaji-kilimo – ufugaji unaoambatana na kilimo cha mazao ya chakula kulingana na upatikanaji wa malisho.[ii]

Katika nchi yetu ufugaji umegawanyika katika sehemu kuu mbili

§ Asili (98%)

§ Kisasa (2%)

Ufugaji wa asili unategemeana kwa sehemu kubwa na mila na desturi za kabila Fulani hivyo upatikanaji,umiliki na utumiaji wa rasilimali asilia katika sehemu husika huendana na desturi za watu.

Ufugaji wa Ranchi

Ranchi ni eneo lilotengwa kwa madhumuni ya kufuga mifugo kwa lengo Fulani na linakuwa na mipaka na kwa wakati mwingine kuwa na uzio, uliowekewa miundo mbinu ya uzalishaji. Ufugaji wa ranchi huendana na uwezo wa malisho na kufuata kanuni za ufugaji bora.

Kuanzishwa kwa ranchi Tanzania lengo kuu ni kuongeza uzalishaji na tija katika sekta ya mfugo.

Ranchi Tanzania zilianzishwa kabla ya miaka ya 1970 ambazo zilikuwa ranchi za jumuia kama Embaruai, Olmoti, Ardai n.k. Miaka ya 1970 ranchi za halmashauri kama RAZABA, MODECO,KISASIGA na USANGU. Miaka ya 1974 Ranchi za ujamaa-MWAMALASA na baadaye NARCO.[iii]

Uanzishwaji wa Ranchi unatambuliwa na Sera ya Taifa ya Mifugo ya mwaka 2006 ili kuwa na ufugaji endelevu, wenye nia ya kuinua kipato cha taifa.[iv]

Uhusiano uliopo kati ya ufugaji wa Ranchi na ufugaji wa asili

Ufugaji wa asili	Ufugaji wa kisasa (Ranchi)
Unatumia njia za asili katika ufugaji	Unafuata njia za kisasa
Ufugaji wa wazi	Ni mfumo rasmi
Umiliki wa ardhi ni wapamoja	Umiliki wa ardhi au malisho ni ya mtu mmoja au kikundi
Utumiaji wa rasilimali asilia	Unatumia za aina zote kutegemeana na wakati
Hauna gharama sana	Gharama ni kubwa (services)

Hatma ya ufugaji wa asili katika uanzishwaji wa ranchi

Kabla na baada miaka ya 1970 ranchi zilianzishwa nchini Tanzania japo ranchi hizo hazikuweza kufikia malengo yaliyokusudiwa kutokana na sababu mbalimbali zikiwemo,rushwa kwenye ranchi, utumiaji mbove wa mifugo za ranch, ubovu wa miundombinu na ukosefu wa wataalam wa kutosha wa mifugo n.k.

Kwa sasa sera ya taifa ya mifugo ya mwaka 2006 inaitumbua tena ufugaji wa Ranchi kama njia nzuri ya kuongeza tija katika pato la taifa na njia endelevu kwa ufugaji wa mifugo.

Uanzishaji wa ranchi kwa nchi nzima unawezakupelekea wafugaji wa asili kuwa njia panda kutokana na sababu zifuatazo.

ü Gharama ya ranchi ni kubwa ikilinganishwa na pato la sasa la jamii ya wafugaji

ü Mifumo ya asili ya kimila itapoteza uhalisia wake na hivyo kuhatarisha mifumo ya maisha ya kimila inayoendana na mazingira.

ü Rasilimali za jamii nzima zinaweza kuwa chini ya mtu moja au kikundi cha watu fulani

ü Miundombinu za ufugaji wa Ranchi bado ni changamoto hivyo bado si njia mbadala kwa wafugaji.

ü Njia za kupunguza umasikini za kimila zitapotea na hivyo kuhatarisha ongezeko la umaskini zaidi.

ü Mbinu na namna ya kuwawezesha wafugaji bado haijawekwa sawa kulingana na mahitaji yenyewe za kibenki

Nini kifanyike (Mapendekezo)

v Kwanza, njia za asili za ufugaji ziboreshwe kulingana na mahitaji ya wananchi wenyewe.

v Pili, wafugaji wawezeshwe kwanjia zote kama kisiasa,kijamii, na kiuchumi.

v Tatu, upatikanaji wa masoko, maji, na malisho bora vizingatiwe kwanza ndani ya ufugaji wa kimila.

v Sheria zinazotungwa ziangalie uhitaji wa wananchi na si kundi Fulani la watu e.g Msawada wa utambulisho wa mifugo na mazao ya mifugo, na mswada wa ardhi ya malisho na ulishaji wa wanyama, miswada hii inategemewa kupelekwa bungeni kwenye kikao kijacho cha bunge sasa ni wafugaji wangapi wanaelewa kuhusu mswada huu?

v Tafiti zifanyike na wataalum mbalimbali juu ya faida za ufugaji wa asili na matokeo kurudishwa kwa wahusika na kukimbilia mbinu ambazo zimefeli mwanzoni.

v Elimu ya kutosha itolewe kwa jamii husika juu ya mipango ya serikali.

v Sheria kama ya Wanyapori ya 2009 kuhusu utozaji wa faini pale mifugo inapoingia katika hifadhi iangaliwe pia kwani malisho ya asili kwa wafugaji humalizwa na wanyamapori.

v Umoja wa kitaifa wa wakulima na wafugaji uundwe kuzingatia taratibu za kimila.

Hitimisho.

Ni muhimu sana kuwa na sheria ya mifugo ya jumla inayotokana na mahitaji ya wafugaji wenyewe wa ndani na si kutokana na mahitaji ya wawekezaji na pia ufugaji liwe swala la kikatiba na hivyo wafugaji kutambuliwa kikatiba kama njia ya uzalishaji mali.

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[i] Daily News 31^st March 2010. The Government has issued two Bills aimed at reducing land disputes between herdsmen and farmers and cattle rustling.

[ii] Muhereza, F.E (2008) Over view on Cattle rustling in the Great Horn of Africa:Knowledge Gaps and Research Interventions on Livestock Theft programme/ISS/Stakeholders meeting 14-15 May 2008

[iii] Grace Mwaigomole (2010) Kuanzishwa kwa Ranchi na ufumbuzi wa migogoro ya ardhi baina ya wafugaji na wakulima. Mada iliyojadiliwa katika semina ya HAKIARDHI 26^th March 2010(LARRRI conference room)

[iv] URT (2006) National Livestock Policy: Ministry of Livestock Development.

IMPACTS OF WATER USE CONFLICTS ON PEOPLE'S LIVELIHOODS IN TANZANIA. A Case of Ngorongoro District

1.10. Impacts of water use conflict on people’s livelihood
Table.4.7. Impacts of water use conflict on peoples’ livelihood assets.
A: Sub villages by Impacts of conflict on Human capital assets (percentage)
Sub village
Failure of children to attend schools
Loss of earnings (properties)
Failure to get health services
Raw total
Malambo
54.54
8.17
2.7
65.41
Olchorro
10.1
2.72
0.9
13.72
Manang
13.63
5.44
1.8
20.87
Total
78.27
16.33
5.4
100
B:Sub Village by Impacts of conflict on Natural capital assets (percentage)
Sub-village
Loss of range resources
Environmental destruction
Change of land use
Others
Raw total
Malambo
27.3
18.2
10.9
9.1
65.5
Olchorro
5.5
3.6
2.7
1.8
13.6
Manang
7.3
3.6
5.5
4.5
20.9
Column total
39.8
25.4
19.1
15.4
100
C: Sub village by Impacts of conflict on Social capital assets (percentage)
Sub-village
Change of culture
Disunity
Others
Raw total
Malambo
55.54
8.17
1.7
65.41
Olchorro
10
2.82
0.9
13.72
Manang
11.63
7.44
1.8
20.87
Column total
77.17
18.43
4.4
100
D:Sub-village by Impacts of conflict on Financial capital assets (Percentages)
Sub-village
Lack of markets
Loss of foods
Lack of credits
Others
Raw total
Malambo
36.4
14
9
6.4
65.8
Olchorro
9.1
0.9
2.7
0.9
13.6
Manang
13.4
2.7
3.6
0.9
20.6
Colum total
58.9
17.6
15.3
8.2
100
Source: Malambo Survey, 2009.
4.10.2.1. Human capital
According to Scoones, (1998) human capital includes skills, knowledge, ability to labour and good health important to the ability to pursue different livelihood strategies. Tanzania Government developed a policy vision of 2025 as a road map to improve the life standard of all Tanzania citizens. And achieve the Millennium Development Goals like to achieve universal primary school education, reduces child mortality and combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases (CRT and TNRF, 2007).
Level of education in any society determine or influence skills, knowledge, and ability of an individual or group of people to pursue or adapt to external and internal stresses. The number of households with formal education in study area is very low and therefore lack of skills and knowledge to external (global) changes (See figure.4.3).
The results (Table.4.7A) shows that 78.27% of respondents substantiated water use conflict in studied area has resulted into failure of their children to attend schools. This means that when conflict occurs their children will not go to schools but remain in bomas and take care of livestock and sometimes do not go back to school after conflict ends. Therefore new skills, knowledge and ability to labour to pursue different livelihood strategies are limited hence affects their livelihood.
Moreover, Results shows that 16.33% of respondents said that conflict has resulted to loss of their properties (See table 4.7A). When conflict break out livestock, houses, and other properties are either taken or burnt. While 5.4% of respondent confirmed that conflict has led to local community fail to access health services. The distribution of health services is inadequate in studied area where there is only one dispensary in the whole ward therefore people had to go to other wards like Sale, Digodigo and Wasso but when conflict arise then their access to health services become limited since they have to cross their rivalry wards. Therefore conflict has affected their livelihoods through restriction of health services.
4.10.2.2. Natural capital
State encroachment has often been in the form of the establishment of national parks and game reserves on traditional pastoral lands, and the subsequent exclusion of pastoralists. The expansion of small scale and commercial cultivation has also resulted in a loss of range resources (Parkipuny, 1987). The majority of households interviewed are the victims of eviction from Serengeti National Park and they have been squeezed to less productive semi arid areas and very small compared to the growing population. Population growth, livestock growth and wildlife mobility from Serengeti ecosystem have led to depletion of good pasture which in turn changed the past pastoralist range management system. 39.8 % of household confirmed that causes of conflict like population growth, livestock growth and government policies have resulted into loss of range resources due to loss of grazing land for national parks or game reserved (See table 4.7B). The Maasai have their own range management system where pastures are categorized according to livestock ability to follow water and pastures. The calves, old cattle are grazed in reserved areas (olokeri or ilalilia) which are divided according to customary rights of each sub location (ingutot) while healthier herds are grazed in public or village lands.

Environmental destruction: As mobile animal husbandry is a productive and environmentally friendly land use system in arid areas. Recognizing that pastoralists’ techniques represent a ‘realisation of the full potential’ of natural resources, and that nomadic pastoralism is a highly evolved ecological response to seasonally scarce resources, it should be protected and promoted as a sound and well-adapted eco-social system of livelihoods and the husbanding of natural resources. The consequences (Table.4.7B) reveal that 25.4% of respondents affirmed that environmental destruction in their areas is due to government role to restrict them from using dry-lands grazing patterns and therefore had to use only village lands, environment is also degraded by wildebeest, and farming activities in the area because their system of moving with livestock to other areas is more environmental friendly unlike clearance of forest for crop cultivation. Pastoralist depend much on environment in getting medicine for treatment of human and livestock diseases, and therefore forest products define their livelihoods but with the increasing of cultivation activities forest products as medicine has disappeared due to cultivation activities which consecutively affected pastoral livelihood. Plate .4.10. Shows how clearance of forest for cultivation has been unfriendly to the environment and also Maasai means of livelihood which is among others defined by the environmental resources is being deprived.
Plate.4.10. Clearence of Olchorro grazing forest (Endim) land for cultivation.
Source: Malambo Survey, 2009.
Change of land use: Water use conflict in the area has resulted to change of land use (See Table.4.7B), the land is mostly utilized by pastoralist but as time goes the increase of livestock diseases, population growth and livestock mobility have led to change of peoples’ perception from pastoralist to agro pastoralist. Conflict is caused by invasion of Sonjo agropastoralist to Olchorro forest and clear for cultivation, household affirmed that if the government will not intervene the situation then they will also start cultivation. Also among of the economic activites practiced in the area is crop cultivation in Ng’abolo valley (See Plate.4.5).

Likewise, the results (Table.4.7B) shows that water use conflict have other impacts to people’s livelihoods apart from change of land use, environmental destruction, and loss of range resources. These are loss of biological diversity and wildlife. About 15.4% of respondent said water use conflict has resulted into loss of biodiversity and wildlife which were available in the area; it is caused by clearance of forest for cultivation.

4.10.2.3. Social capital
Water use conflict has affected social dimensions of peoples’ livelihoods in the studied area. Among of the impacts of conflict to people’s social life as pointed by respondents (Table.4.7C) were change of culture, and disunity among households. The result shows that 77.17% of respondent confirmed that water conflict has resulted into change of culture (See Table 4.8C). Migration of youth to urban areas and introduction of policies has influenced change of culture where those who migrated to urban areas adopted new ways of life as opposed to traditional ways. Also, conflict has led to introduction of new ways of solving conflict which were not used before, for example the presence of third part that’s NGOs and CBOs in solving conflict. Before that conflicts were only solved by traditional leaders from two parties in conflict but now a third part is included.
Moreover, 18.43% of respondents affirmed that conflict has resulted to loss of trust or disunity among local communities. Respondents corroborated that before conflict rise up they had trust and people lived with harmony but now local communities do not trust each other. Everyone fear the other e.g local communities fear park wardens and Maasai and Sonjo do not trust each other. And traditional system of sharing resources among age set has changed, morans used to walk in groups and no one is allowed to eat food along but with interaction to wider system which they adopted in town has changed their life (Kweka, 1999).While 4.4% of respondent said that conflict has resulted to increase of network where pastoralist have been interacting with non pastoralist in town and therefore increased network.
4.10.2.4. Financial capital
The results (Table.4.7D) show that conflict had implication to peoples’ livelihood mostly in terms of financial capital. Where among of the mentioned impacts were lack of markets (58.9%), loss of food (17.6%), and lack of credits (15.3%).
Impacts of Conflict in the studied area has resulted to unsettled community which do not involve in production activities together and therefore lack of markets (See Table.4.7D) where no more organization of how, where and when to sell their products. Also 17.6% of respondent said that conflict has resulted to loss of food. Since conflict have resulted to death of livestock, migration of livestock, poor market and migration of youth (labour power) to urban areas may be the reasons for lack of enough food hence NGOs like Oxfarm and Help for the Maasai had to distribute maize grains to people.
Moreover, results (Table 4.7D) reveal that 15.3% of respondent affirmed that conflict has resulted to lack of credits. The area is very remote and has no either mobile network no good transport and therefore access to either livestock medicine provided by the government and NGOs or other subsidies are not present in the area, conflict has created a fear situation to government bodies and NGOs therefore failed to provide credits.